By the end of the XXth. Century a wave run all over the world. That wave is called globalization. It is a wave both economic and cultural and it goes ahead and introduces itself without rules in countries and regions. Globalization tells us about emergent markets noisily falling down. It shows economic advances, concentration of wealth and expansion of poverty. Globalization transversally splits society, generating illusions and disillusions. Globalization leads to deep uncertainty...
Thus, globalization and uncertainty are part of the reality of the world we live in and it has a direct influence in our cities... those dearly artificial spaces where each society represents itself, trying to turn them into trustees of their individual and collective desires.
The governments of the cities, poles or node centers of different nations, regional or continental areas emerge as first instance juridical-institutional referents to consolidate Latin American democratic systems and to protect the rights of it?s inhabitants.
Particularly at a historic time when the risk of de facto governments and military coups, that prevented every possibility of constitutional governments, are over. Economic and cultural globalization stands up as a new risk for keeping equity in the development of social policies and the protection of Human Rights in the cities.
The globalization process that characterizes global economy at the end of the last millenium, with a strong accent in concentration of wealth and high degree in technology brought poverty and marginality to our region.
Increasing precariousness of the working conditions, unemployment and corruption, deterioration of institutional life and weakening of representative Democracy without any mobility to switch to other participatory mechanisms have had a great impact on the social and economic spheres of our cities. The result is absolutely devastating.
The structural poverty sectors had not substantially changed their previous situation of scarce or null participation in the distribution of wealth. Still, they are suffering deeper marginality: higher infant mortality rates, precocious pregnancy, lower performance and even desertion from primary schools, alcoholism, etc. In addition some other scourges also increased, such as domestic violence, children delinquency, citizens? insecurity, addictions, environmental destruction, children?s work, etc., characteristic of extreme poverty processes.
To these we must add the advent of thousands of new poor people. These are unemployed workers who have lost their jobs and their social security, without any alternative or any social service to assist them.
These sectors that previously enjoyed the condition of citizens, that identified themselves with a trade union, that could see possibilities of development and could dream with a future, today have abandoned the institutions or were abandoned by them.
The results of the policy of adjustment are very well known and in Latin America. We speak about the ?lost decade? when we try to characterize the reach of our increasing marginal condition from the most outstanding global economic activities.
Especially the cities? local authorities, strongly affected from economic recession and from the social deficit generated by the neo-liberal model had to assume the challenge of starting some governmental alternatives that put into practice the values of equal opportunities, equity and citizens? participation in decision taking.
An open statement of policies and mechanisms of affirmation and protection of the rights proved necessary to protect the citizens? juridical integrity. How much poverty can liberty put up with? starts by asking itself the document of the 1988 Group of Rio.
How can the reality of poverty be overcome?
How can it be avoided that inequality repeats itself inside each society?
How can it be guaranteed that every citizen?s fundamental rights will be protected? Local governments, more than ever, are facing supra structural conflicts that are sometimes out of their sphere of resolution. In fact, a great number of problematics are out of the competence and responsibility of local administrations.
Nevertheless, people demand solutions and the demands go to the most immediate authorities, the closest and most reliable, with whom they share everyday life in cities full of contradictions.
That is why the local governments are acquiring more relevance. The search for the answers to people?s demands starts from the knowledge that there is no economic policy differentiated from a juridical-social policy.
There is, indeed, a policy where the social issue is present in all and each one of the actions carried out by the municipality.
In a state of social exclusion there is insecurity not only for the excluded but also for society as a whole.
This is the time when the promotion and defense of Human Rights turns to be a political-social imperative. Facing this reality there are two alternatives: following the habitual bureaucratic features of public offices (To tell: this is not possible, it is beyond our control) or, on the contrary, to assume the challenge of developing a new concept of municipal state, making it more modern, efficient, broadening its sphere of competence, of research and management.
And, above all, broadening its executive and guarantor role of public liberties in the cities? jurisdiction. Re-structuring the municipal government taking into account this new sphere of competence is today a demand. A time when the construction of a just, free and supportive society is a permanent aspiration.
Local authorities must strategically design programs that lead to fulfil these aims, bearing in mind the needs for the future and the tools that model the city that is needed
here and now. Not an easy task, certainly. The city, the municipality is the place where life goes on. It is also the place where human development must be achieved in conditions of equal opportunities for everyone.
It is about incorporating to the municipal dimension of collective work the valuable contribution of the community and solidarity organizations, of the spontaneous actions of neighbors that develop important protection mechanisms for the defense of Human Rights.
Moreover, the state is a part of the solution and it has an irreplaceable responsibility in conciliating public and private interests and in the creation of suitable conditions to develop the initiatives and efforts of non-governmental organizations in this direction.
Political interventions of the local government in a city with equal opportunities definitely presuppose thinking the social in the same strategic framework than economical reform and juridical protection. Thus, it proposes a new model of development in which social reform and economic reform enhance each other and are strengthened in the same logic of efficiency and equity.
It is thus overcome the limitation of considering the social as the object of sector or assistance policies, that was one of the contradictions of the old pattern in which great growth was achieved without eliminating poverty and with systematic violation of the population?s fundamental rights.
In the policies and mechanisms of protection of Human Rights in cities the great challenge is based in the definition of a synthesis of that deep bipolar ideas. Economic development versus structural poverty and unemployment. Cultural development versus urban violence. Opening to a globalized world of increasing goods and services versus marginality, exclusion, illiteracy. Production of knowledge and technology versus illiteracy. Construction of concrete concepts of citizenship and rights versus anomie, disaffiliation process, breaking of containment bonds, primary socialization in a world of violence and exploitation.
It is, no doubt, a challenge that largely exceeds the possibilities of local governments. Since all these differences have a common source in macro-economy variables and in exclusion policies that are supported by creating big poverty areas and through permanent violation of the rights of the citizens. Thinking from the very beginning in the city as integrated and integrating allows us coherent courses of action avoiding isolated and consuming programs. We can take advantage of the impact of favorable situations such as physical interventions: opening of streets, construction of equipment, etc. to change unfavorable situations. We can organize social interventions facilitated by the mobilization and expectations produced by this kind of actions that allow us to work with the neighbors in situations of neighbors organization, real practice of participatory democracy
From this perspective, we recognize the policies for protecting Human Rights when cities seek for
inclusion to favor the
integration of its inhabitants. When assistance actions facilitate each other so as to produce multiple and different impacts to aware consciousness, to help organization and management ability on the part of the population these actions are addressed to. It is an effort to turn the beneficiaries of social services into
subjects of rights, bearers of citizenship. It is the responsibility and commitment of local governments to guarantee the fulfillment of these rights in the urban scope, developing specific public policies that secure the application of protection systems, as is established by national constitutions and international agreements signed by national governments. Nevertheless, it is true that Latin America has not had many opportunities to have ?peace for thinking, quietness for speaking, place for creating, room for having ideas? (from Juan Cruz, journalist of ?El PaÃs?, Madrid). Saturated of distrusts and fears by decades of institutional instability, censorship, violence and polarized political antagonisms, there are still many scars and even open wounds in Latin America social body caused by these lacerations.
?Visible expressions of an exhausted authoritarian and corporate order have fallen down. Nevertheless, some features belonging to the political practice predominant before remained undamaged? (Natalio Botana, ?El Siglo de la Libertad y el Miedo).
The incompetence of the political power to reconstruct the past with parameters of truth and justice has given politics a decadent sense, displacing it from the real power of decision which has gone to the hands of concentrated economic groups.
The democratization process of Latin American societies harassed by chronic crisis will be, no doubt, very long and characterized by comings and goings of growth and set backs similar to those of the global financial crisis that affects public policies ad governmental decisions.
This situation echoes in the real practice of fundamental rights in the cities and in the strategies of supervision that the municipal government can develop.
The cities are forced to face urgent decisions as regards Human Rights started by the application of unmerciful adjustment policies in agreement with the global institution of financial credit.
The political decision on the part of local governments of taking an active role in the policy of protecting their citizens? Human Rights, taking into account dynamic programs that can support definite actions is quite important here. These actions can be:
- Progressive, that is to say evolutionary, going slow and deep into society
- Systematic, coherent with a political project
- Global, comprising society as a whole
- Participatory, allowing every citizen to be leading protagonist subjects
- Innovating, allowing transformations in the structures and in people
In most Latin American countries democratic way of government has been recovered. But, are we really living a democratization process?
Thus... can we seriously think in a systematic policy for the protection of Human Rights?
There are certain elements in reality that prevent immediate changes towards true exercise of the system:
- The great external debt that conditions all new economic reformulation that the national governments may want to make at this new constitutional instance.
- The centralization of power produces disagreements between democratic institutions and the participatory demands on the part of the population.
- The bureaucratization and trans-nationalization of the state have transformed our states into democratic shells that naturally turn into authoritarian because they have been emptied of key decisions.
- The great number of social demands without any circulating mechanism in the middle of financial and economic crisis generate frustrations that lead to confidence crisis in the democratic system.
Taking this descriptive picture into account it will be understood that it is very difficult to introduce the democratization process as a wedge that can give birth to great changes in the medium or long term.
THE REALITY OF LATIN AMERICA IS THAT OF UNDERDEVELOPMENT, OF SOCIAL INJUSTICE, OF BAD QUALITY OF LIFE FOR MILLIONS OF PEOPLE, OF DEPENDENCE IN RELATION TO THE CENTERS OF POWER, OF CULTURAL ALIENATION.
The democratization process must change this reality and must develop active participation of all the community, as well as the opportunity of living in human conditions.
In this way the concrete and efficient supervision of the application of protecting mechanisms for Human Rights in the cities will be a reality. With local governments? commitment to this democratization process of which they must be a part, they turn into political institutions with an extraordinary reach, since they are the real spheres where true education for democracy is carried out.
This assumed the need of overcoming authoritarian ways of leadership and the acceptance of ideas of autonomy, responsibility and dialogue. These premises imply the responsibility, on the part of the State of securing education, understanding it as the integral development of the individual for its inclusion in society through the construction of a social conscience open to change and participation.
The municipal system, due to its proximity to the citizens, is the most open and transparent. Its decisions and administration are more evident, easily generating public opinion.
It is, thus, school of citizenship. This school of citizenship must be also be understood as the sphere where the policies of protection of Human Rights are developed and generalized as habitual ways of living in society and as a legitimate juridical system when defense of the citizens is at stake.
Global society is not a democratic society and the powers that have a part there are not guided by the criteria of equal citizens: we are not citizens of the world.
The city contributes to this process the consolidated historical practice of being the framework at human scale for democratic living together. It contributes with the resistance of the citizens to admit as inevitable an opaque political world and based in negotiating from nude power and the power of weapons.
The city is, then, both a framework and an agent educator of rights that, facing the tendency to concentration of power practices public opinion and freedom. Facing the tendency to gregariousness expresses pluralism. Facing the tendency to unequal distribution of possibilities defends citizenship. Facing the tendency to individualism makes the effort of practicing solidary individuality.
?Democratic training? in the city?s sphere is vital for the formation of the future citizen, conscious of his/her rights, responsible for his/her duties and sensible to everyone?s problems that are also his/hers, to the extent that he/she has been educated by an open and transforming society.
From this perspective, Latin American municipalities acquire a particular educative, social and political commitment for it implies to put into action a program with the aim of developing solidarity, cooperation and individual and group responsibility as basic foundations for a democratic formation.
Likewise, this formation must consider the principles entailed with Human Rights, Peace and the promotion of a critical spirit with the aim of transforming and modifying reality.
The municipal projects linked to policies and mechanisms of affirmation of Human Rights in the cities must be organized as true learning proposals. They must generate active participation, reflection, and permanent re-elaboration of contents and methods. They must always take into account the different characteristics of the groups and the constant verification with the needs of reality. From our perspective, the projects of the cities with a protection policy of Human Rights must fulfill basically the following conditions:
- They must be a collective experience, in an environment of horizontal group relations.
- They must be an experience to solve problems and not merely to get information.
- They must be based on democratic relations among the participants that represent or anticipate democratic relations in society.
- They must pay attention to the formation of a democratic conscience, plural, defender of Peace and institutional rules in a state of law.
How can we achieve policies and mechanisms with these characteristics? - By de-centralizing political conduction and de-bureaucratizing juridical management
- By endorsing the participation of all members of society
- By demanding each one?s responsibilities in their specific functions
- By promoting changes of attitudes aimed to solidarity and cooperation
- By establishing integration as an every day practice
- By promoting co-management with the community, non-governmental organizations, and all those institutions and enterprises that work with the aim of improving general welfare.
What are the aims we support from the protection of Human Rights policies in Latin American cities? - Promoting the knowledge of juridical norms and the existent reality to a global, national and local level regarding Human Rights and the mechanisms that endorse their protection.
- Analyzing the existing contradictions regarding this issue throughout human history to recognize the struggles and advances obtained through the action of individuals, social groups, and nations.
- Organizing and managing from the sphere of the municipal government concrete projects aimed at forming a ?collective conscience? on the need of citizenship education and protection of Human Rights, in a contemporary society indifferent to the demands of the weak.
- Summoning international, national, governmental and non-governmental organizations, as well as the whole community, to put in motion actions leading to the defense of the principles stated here.
We firmly support same as the first article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that ?every man are born free and equal in dignity and rights?.
But society makes them unequal. Society quickly differentiates them. That is why it is a political imperative to MAKE THEM EQUAL as members of a community and based in a common decision of a political nature that endorses equal rights and the defense of that rights to everyone.
Equality is not, then, something that IS GIVEN. It is a CONSTRUCTION conventionally carried out through united actions of men through the organization of the political community.
It is this political community that has to commit itself to its protection and defense.
Here we find the relation between the individual right of the citizen to politically self-determination, together with other citizens through the exercise of his/her political rights and the right of the community to self-determination, by constructing equality again, as is pointed out by Hanna Arendt.
That is why it looks particularly important to us at analyzing the city as a sphere of application of policies and mechanisms for the protection of Human Rights, to point out that:
The institutions that facilitate and energize a process of these characteristics are always those that represent the local government, committed in a dynamics of broad political participation, democratic agreement, and stable, responsible and transparent government. This is the first protection for the promotion and defense of the rights of the inhabitants.
Lets pray that it is so in all Latin America for many years to come. Prof. Alicia Cabezudo
Director
Educating Cities Latin America
International Relations Bureau
Municipality of Rosario
Argentina
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