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Globalization

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Since the imposition of free market policies in the 1980s, globalization has come to represent an ideological battle between those who favor economic growth and deregulation through the growing power of multinational corporations, versus those who prefer a more sustainable and democratic approach to international development, socio-economic justice, and the securing of basic human rights and needs.

Latest Articles

A restraint of liberty
Faced with a choice between market freedom and human life, governments have chosen to preserve the former

The British government recognises two kinds of freedom. There is the freedom of the citizen, which it appears to perceive as a threat to good order. It has permitted (through the Serious Organised Crime Act) the police or courts to ban any public protest. It is introducing identity cards, restricting immigration, seeking to curb the right of habeas corpus and extending antisocial behaviour orders.

Then there is the freedom of business. Though the Inland Revenue and Customs and Excise are already incapable of dealing with tax evaders, Gordon Brown is cutting 10,000 of their staff. Tony Blair is trying to destroy the European working time directive, which prevents companies from working their employees to death. The draconian measures in the Queen's speech restraining the citizen were immediately followed by a promise to deregulate business. The government is prepared to micro-manage us, while leaving the more powerful agents - the corporations - free to manage themselves.

Like the patricians in Coriolanus, Tony Blair will "repeal daily any wholesome act established against the rich, and provide more piercing statutes daily, to chain up and restrain the poor". For business to be free, we must be kept in check.

 
Better Working Conditions Lead to Better Economy

18th Nov 05, Don Monkerud ~ STWR

Which states are better for business? Colorado and Montana that received a top rating from the CATO Institute? Idaho and North Carolina that had the best metro areas in Forbes annual rating of Best Places for Business and Careers? Or is it South Dakota or Florida where the Tax Foundation found the most tax friendly climates?

 
Economics versus politics

James Waters ~ STWR Member

Free market economics has a major problem. It assumes itself out of existence. The self interest which individuals show in buying and selling goods allows markets to obtain reasonably high levels of welfare for participants. When those who set the rules of the market show the same self interest, free markets last as long as it takes to say subsidy.
 
Congress Protects Industry from Citizens

29th Oct 05 - Don Monkerud ~ STWR

After a mere five years of controlling both Congress and the Presidency, the GOP is riding high. Busy dismantling social, regulatory and environmental policies they and their corporate sponsors dislike, today's GOP is directing the reversal of government policies once supported by a hefty majority of Americans.

 
'Reform', Grabbing and the Twin Power

During the last three decades Bangladesh experienced several `reforms? which have made the country more privatized, more marketized, more connected, more open and highly integrated with the global economy. The reforms and coordinated supplementary policies have increased international trade manifold, although more import than export. Export oriented manufacturing units and activities have grown as a direct result of incentives and supports although many other productive units faced closure or downsizing. Urbanization expanded and skyline of Dhaka turned shining with big billboards and high rise buildings, roads become overflowed with beautiful imported cars. Expensive private schools-universities, clinics have taken a larger area in Dhaka. Moreover, glittering supermarkets full of imported goods, mobile-computer-food shops, parties, shows, fairs have given the Dhaka life a globalized look.

 
From 'Mills to Malls'

Prof Anu Muhammad ~ STWR Member

From "Mills to Malls"
Globalization and Economic Transformation in a Peripheral Economy: Bangladesh Experience

Abstract
[There are two major interpretations of the term Globalization. The first, and the mainstream view, takes globalization as rational outcome of global economic 'progress'. Second, and dissenting view, gives more emphasis to the power and ownership aspects of the globalization process. This paper argues that the globalization process embraces elements of both the views, which is essentially capitalism, advancing on a world scale and is integrating peripheral economies into a single global system. As a peripheral economy Bangladesh has become more marketized, more globalized, and more urbanized; and in the process it now has a good number of super rich and increased number of uprooted poor people. Role of the state in major policy formulation is found marginal. Criminal activity, including grabbing public resources, became the main mode of capital accumulation. In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand the integration process of Bangladesh economy with the global economy. Alongwith historical overview of the country, quantitative and qualitative changes in different sectors of the country has been analyzed to identify the main trends of the economy and society.]

Introduction

The concept of 'Globalization' has the ability to indicate certain recent phenomena but it also has the ability to hide certain relations and conflicts within World economic/political system/s. It appears that the all embracing term 'Globalization' has replaced, especially in the recent years, many of the earlier economic and political discourses. It is fair to say that the ideas, programs, initiatives, planning and monitoring under the current phase of Globalization project have usurped most of the earlier development thinking in policy- making level, both within the State or Multilateral global agencies.

There are two major interpretations of the term Globalization. The two appeared to conflict with, and even oppose, one another. The first, and the mainstream view, takes globalization as rational outcome of global economic 'progress'. This view describes it as a process of (i) 'expansion of free trade' (ii) 'more integration of all economies of the world' (iii) 'more communication amongst different regions' (iv) 'faster diffusion of knowledge' (v) 'increasing mobility of capital and labor' (vi) 'increasing competition' and (vii) 'emergence of global economy-global market'. They believe that there is no alternative (TINA) to this.

Second, and dissenting view, gives more emphasis to the power and ownership aspects of the globalization process. It looks at the process as being increasingly dominated by Multinational Corporations (MNC) and Global Institutions (GI) like the World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Trade Organization (WTO). Thus, according to this view, present globalization process is in fact the manifestation of the monopolization of power by large corporate entities, which are mainly centered in the North. They also argue that the worldwide expansion of the capitalist drive for profit has endangered environment, people's lives, local authority, biodiversity as well as diversity of culture. They also insist that an alternative to the present globalization process is there, a real and peoples globalization is only possible by coming out of global power.

I would like to argue that the globalization process, in fact, embraces elements of both the views. It is essentially capitalism, which is advancing on a world scale and is integrating peripheral economies into a single global system. Since the last decade, when the globalization got the coin, world trade has been expanding, most of the economies have got more integrated into single global economic system, information and communication system have developed at a faster rate because of the rapid development of information technology; now the opportunity for greater diffusion of knowledge has emerged, and capital has become much more mobile. These facts support the mainstream version of globalization. But at the same time, we must not ignore the fact that the mobility of labor could not take place alongwith that of capital, and that competition, in most of the cases, is increasingly being replaced by monopoly or near monopoly situation. Global economy has become more a playing field of big corporate bodies of G-7 countries. Institutions like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization have gained unprecedented authority over most of the nation states. All the processes of integration of peripheral economies into global economy have not been taking place through invisible hand, i.e., free market process. Moreover, the fact is increasingly coming into surface that the present globalization process, directed by corporate bodies and motivated by profit, has further endangered environment, people's lives, common property, local authority, biodiversity as well as diversity of culture.

In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand the integration process of Bangladesh economy, a peripheral one in the global capitalist system, with the global economy. Alongwith historical overview of the country, quantitative and qualitative changes in different sectors of the country will be analyzed to identify the main trends of the economy and society.

Legacy of Bangladesh Economy and Polity

Bangladesh earned its status as an independent country through an armed struggle in 1971. The road map to Bangladesh's emergence as a Nation State began with the partitioning of British India into India and Pakistan in 1947. At that time, Pakistan consisted of two geographically separate territories. The Eastern section, later became Bangladesh, had been experiencing regional and ethnic discrimination in different forms. Pakistan, soon after independence, came under military autocracy, that had been all along ruled by big propertied oligarchy centered in West Pakistan.

From the very beginning, Pakistan has been highly dependent on military-civil bureaucracy. Instability in civil governments and perpetual military rule was a reflection of that. It had also consistent patron-client relationship with the political and economic centers of global capitalist system. During the mid 20th century, Pakistan became a test laboratory for the western development theories that emerged during the period of swift decolonisation. Its client position was defined by the Pakistan-US military pact and by a long and decisive involvement of US consultants in shaping Pakistan?s planning, development and institutions.

Although formal military rule started in Pakistan in 1958, the military had exerted power from the country?s beginning because of its fragile civil rule and institutions. Martial law, therefore, ?was brought about by men who were already participants in the existing political system and who had institutional bases of power within that system. Long before the coup, the military had been working as a silent partner in the civil-military bureaucratic coalition that held the key decision-making power in the country.? (Jahan, 1972, 52).

This concentration of political power was well suited with the concentration of economic power. By 1968, distribution of resources showed a highly skewed picture. According to the then chief economist of Pakistan Planning Commission, ?66% of all industrial profits, 97% of the insurance funds, and 80% of the banks in the country were controlled by some twenty families.?1 And all these twenty families were from West Pakistan.

Economic disparities, and regional and ethnic discrimination had given birth to long democratic struggle in the then East Pakistan. That struggle turned into a nine month long decisive armed struggle in 1971 when the (west) Pakistani military junta started barbaric military operation including genocide, rape, and loot against the people of the then East Pakistan. The junta took the path to stop the possibility of transferring power to the newly elected parliament, majority of which was from the eastern part, now Bangladesh.

Integration with the Global Economy: Factors and Actors

After independence, despite continuous promise and rhetoric, Bangladesh failed to alter the power matrix in social and economic fields that had prevailed in Pakistan period. The structures and hierarchies of civil and military institutions, created during the British rule, were kept intact in Bangladesh; similarly, the legal and judicial systems remained untouched; and the land administration, despite land reform measures taken in 1972 and 1984, remained unchanged until today.

During the last three decades, Bangladesh has experienced different forms of governments: civil and military, parliamentary and presidential. Emergency was declared twice (1974 and 1997), Martial Law was promulgated twice (1975 and 1982). During the period two Presidents were killed. Since 1991, elected governments have been ruling the country. A form of non-party caretaker government has been introduced in 1991 to make the elections acceptable to all.

Despite the changes in political power and governance and the bloody conflicts among groups wishing to govern, the economic front experienced a continuity of policy and ideology. One of the major factors behind this continuity could be the increasing authority of the Global Institutions (GI) that have been operating in Bangladesh and their decisive involvement in formulating policies and monitoring implementation of these policies. These institutions include the World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Asian Development Bank (ADB), United Nations development Program (UNDP), United States Agency for International Aid (USAID).

Initial stage

Process of integrating into global capitalism cannot be called as absolutely recent phenomenon for Bangladesh. Bangladesh economy, like other peripheral economies, has been in the process of integration with the world economy for long. During the last few decades, specially since mid fifties the integration process got momentum with the introduction of ?foreign aid? based development projects and huge intervention in agriculture and water resource management under the banner of 'green revolution' in the sixties (see Table 1 for a summary of historical records).

After becoming an independent State, Bangladesh experienced a massive increase in 'foreign aid' inflow and related projects. Soon after independence of Bangladesh 'Bangladesh aid consortium? was formed with the World Bank as its head' on the same lines as the Pakistan consortium(Sobhan, 1982). From a review of thirty years of the Bank's assessment of government?s policies, its suggestions and its policy recommendations to the government of Bangladesh, it is clear that the Bank has been consistent in its policy prescription and ideological framework. But it is interesting to note that the Bank always has worked to sell their agenda by keeping government in good humour, always keeping supporting tone to the government?s political agenda, no matter what the political philosophies of successive governments were (Muhammad, 2003). Such diplomacy proved to be an effective sales management technique for global institutions.

World Bank's support and agenda

Let me retrieve some documents of the World Bank in this regard. In Bangladesh?s First Five Year Plan (1973-78) document, which was explicitly biased towards public sector growth, Bank?s comment was very appreciative! For instance, it termed the ?socialist? Plan a remarkable document and analytically sophisticated (WB, 1974). In May 1975, after establishment of one party presidential rule, the Bank seemed to be happy. It argued favourably for the political change. It asserted that ?recent political changes have strengthened the hand of the Government in its attempts to put down lawlessness, smuggling, hoarding, and blackmarketeering.? They were satisfied because ?slum clearance in Dacca has gone on apace?. At the same time, they had issued mild threats. The Bank did not hesitate to say that, this report indicates a number of economic reforms which Bangladesh must consider urgently. They reminded the government that, .... Bangladesh would need about US$ 1.2 billion of disbursements of external aid in 1975/76. The willingness of donors to continue providing aid in generous amounts to Bangladesh will no doubt depend on its ability to demonstrate, by the implementation of satisfactory economic policies and measures...(WB, 1975).

Within three months of publishing the above report a bloody political changeover took place. The President was killed and Bangladesh was placed under martial law. Again, the Bank seemed appreciative of the new government. The reasons given were the same as those given as supporting statements for the ousted government; those included serious efforts for law and order situation. It also stated that, on the industrial side, capacity utilization has improved in a number of sectors, as a result of a more liberal import policy and an enhanced supply of raw material and spares...There has been some movement in the direction of a more market oriented economy?. The report also expressed optimism about the continuity of reform program begun in May 1975, with the devaluation of the Taka and the agreement with the IMF. And finally it supported the new government by including assurances that, ?he new government confirmed that it intended to introduce such further economic reforms as subsidy reduction, agricultural taxation, and import liberalization? (WB, 1976). The process continued and accordingly different policies were born as national policies to echo the global formulation of the global institutions.

Therefore it is not surprising that although Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) sponsored by the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) appeared in the 1980s, the programs it covered were being prescribed by these institutions much earlier. The Structural Adjustment Programme, in fact, has brought all of their earlier reform programs in a single fold.

From Krug to PRSP

Since the early 70s international bodies including the World Bank have been emphasizing poverty related programs. Women related programs got attention from UN bodies since mid 70s. Funding in these areas started flowing which in many ways influence or guide government programs, as did the emergence and quick growth of NGOs. Perhaps, GATT agreement in 1995 was the single most important document that created a global foundation of integrating all economies.

Table-1: Programs initiated in Bangladesh by global institutions in different periods:

Period Programs Initiated Significance
1950s and after Foreign aid, education and training program, Krug mission and water resource projects. Structures on rivers, canals, and khals. New generation of experts, skill manpower dependent on aid-consultancy.
1960s and after Green Revolution Mono crop and increasing market orientation of agriculture
1970s and after Poverty Alleviation Programs, NGOs. New institutions and civil society compatible with the philosophy of GIs.
1980s and after Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) De-industrialization, de-regulation, privatization, trade liberaliztion and expansion of service sector.
1990s GATT Agreement Opening up common properties to the profit making activities.
2001 and after Poverty Reduction Strategic Paper (PRSP) Sugar coated Structural Adjustment Program


As a whole the programs, sponsored by the global institutions like the World Bank, IMF etc, have played the key role in accelerating the process of integrating peripheral economies including Bangladesh with the centre economies. Those include:(i) the Green? Revolution (ii) Structural Adjustment Program (iii) ?Poverty Alleviation? Programs (iv) GATT agreement (v) Foreign aid supported trade, technical assistance, reform, consultancy, training and education. The current Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) is the latest in the series1. These programmes also have played crucial role in determining the shape and direction of the economy and creating strong support base amongst ruling classes.

The direction of the Economy: polarization, decomposition and new formation

During the last three decades, the political economy of Bangladesh has had fundamental continuities while experiencing several changes. Both the changes and the continuities are important to the understanding of the internal dynamics and external effects influencing Bangladesh. As these also show the shaping of the national economy, some selected areas are briefly discussed below.

Transition from an Agricultural to Service Economy: Malls over Mills

Until immediately after independence, Bangladesh's economy was chracterzed as an agrarian based one. Agriculture accounted for the largest share of both the labour force and of GDP. However, by the end of the century, Bangladesh ceased to have an agricurally based economy. Agriculture?s proportion of GDP came down from nearly 60% to 18%, with fisheries 23% (GOB, 2004). But on the other pole manufacturing has not captured the dominant position either. Service sector, as a whole, has emerged as the single largest sector contributing more than 50 per cent of the GDP. The movement of an economy from agriculture to service bypassing or degenerating manufacturing may not go with the text book notion of development but this is very significant to study direction of peripheral economy like Bangladesh. Growth of Malls has gained absolute authority over dismantled mills. In the process the country abandoned its tag of Adamjee, the largest jute industry in Asia with its closure and replaced that with Basundhara, the largest super market in South Asia. That is however a significant shift.

Manufacturing: upward and downward

There had been a traditional existence of large number of cottage and small industries in Bangladesh. But manufacturing sector was dominated, in terms of output proportion, by large manufacturing enterprises and public sector since 1972. This public sector emerged out of large and medium enterprises abandoned by the Pakistani big business houses after independence of Bangladesh. During the last three decades, proportionate share of manufacturing in GDP marked a little change. According to the old estimates of GDP, manufacturing was 7.90 percent in 1972-73, and 8.47 percent in 2003, less than 1 per cent increase in average in thirty years. With the new estimates figures go upward but trend remains the same. According to the new estimates in 1995/96 the share of manufacturing in GDP was 15.43, but it decreased to 14.68 percent in 2000 and again slightly increased to 15.97 percent in 2003 (GOB, 2001 and 2004). If we compare share of manufacturing from early 80s with the figure in 2003 than it would show a clear de-industrialization trend (Muhammad et al , 2003). Figures in 2004 show little change.

Table 2 reveals different trends of growth for different types of industries. A positive growth is seen for export-oriented ones and construction while a negative growth is recorded for old industries in the country. Since the early 80s, many of old enterprises, public and private, were closed or downsized and gradually replaced by the export oriented ones.2 Due to closure of many large-scale factories and sickness of medium and small enterprises the number of industrial workforce shrunk despite new entry in export oriented garments and EPZs.

Table 1: Ups and Downs within Manufacturing Sector

Growth Pole Industries
Positive growth, High range (more than 10%) Cement, MS Rod
Positive growth, Low range (less than 10%) Garments, Tea, Beverage, Soap and detergent Leather and leather products
Negative growth. High range Jute Textiles, Fertilizer
Negative growth, Low range Sugar, Paper, Iron & Steel

source: Bakht, 2000.

Expansion of Trade

Bangladesh's external trade has increased manifold. While total trade was 20.65 percent of GDP in 19e73 it increased to 30.77 percent of GDP in 2001(GOB, 2002). Both import and export has expanded, although the trade gap remains high as the volume of imports has increased faster than that of exports. The increase in imports took place consistently with reform measures to liberalize imports, i.e., lowering import duty and removing trade and non-trade barriers. While in 1992/93 the highest import duty was 150 percent, it has since been reduced to 30 percent in 2004. The average import duty comes to 15.65 percent (GOB, 2004).

While Jute and jute goods dominated the export trade in early 70s, ready-made garments have dominated since the late 80s, capturing more than 60 percent. Although major export items shifted from agricultural goods to processed goods, (e.g., ready-made garments), it has only 25 percent value added components.

Women in Labour Market

Women participation in market oriented and income-generating activities were very low in the early 70s. Women in Bangladesh traditionally has been active in both cost saving and income generating activities, i.e., in agri- processing, handicrafts, gardening, poultry and cattle care, management of household, preparing goods for marketing by male members etc. However the activities of NGOs including microcredit during last two decades have actually added inputs to the traditional activities of women and small scale businesses of men.

The participation of women in economic activities outside household has been expanding since early 80s. Both push and pull factors contributed in this. On the one hand, family level income has often faced severe crisis due to decline in real wage and stagnation in the demand for male labour. Such crises have pushed female members of the family to work outside the family domain. Moreover, there are many instances when female member is forced to work outside household after male head left facing economic crisis. On the other hand, export-oriented industries (eg., garments sector, shrimp farming) and other export oriented activities, informal sector and growing urban demand for different types of cottage goods and jobs constituted a demand for women labourers (Muhammad, 1998, 2004).

Rural Non-Farm Activity

Landless labourers constitute a vast majority of the population in rural Bangladesh. Landlessness increased from 33 percent in 1972 to nearly 60 percent in 2000 (BBS, 2002). Given this supply agricultural employment is not capable of accommodating all, or even a majority of them. There are months when demand for agricultural labour approaches zero. Non-farm activity has always been a part of rural life, but population involved in such activities were very small in number. Moreover, non-farm activity remained a family based traditional job. Since 1980, however non-farm employment has grown fast. The jobs include: petty trade, small shop, transports like rickshaw and van, and other non farm daily wage labor.

Increase in Market Orientation

Rural works program in the sixties contributed to add road connection from countryside to urban areas. Although that paved the way to expand market and market oriented activities, but latter activities remained modest until late seventies. Since then these activities, i.e., production and processing for market and profit, grew fast. This happened not only in crop production, but spread to other areas as a result of institutional, financial and otherwise support. Commercial production increased significantly related to Poultry, Dairy and Fisheries since early 80s. Export oriented production of Shrimp expanded. NGO microcredit contributed significantly to market oriented activities of low income rural people.1

From Multicrop to Monocrop

Bangladesh had a rich diversity of crops. For example, there were hundreds of varieties of rice grown. This too has changed. In the process of green revolution IRRI became the maincrop and also effectively monocrop in agricultural landscape. Expansion of the use of monocrop has also been linked to the increasing market orientation for crop production, fertilizer-irrigation equipment marketing, and expansion of the credit market.

Urban Informal Sector

In the early 70s, the service sector consisted of a small, informal sector that was insignificant in size and employment. Urbanization was low. But urban migration from the countryside has grown since the early 80s. The influx of people could not be absorbed into the manufacturing sector, since it was in the process of shrinking employment opportunities. So, they in an attempt to find the way out found their livelihood in self-employment and informal sector.

Communication

Although rail and water transport, traditional mode of transport in this land, remain neglected and stagnant till today, road transport developed rapidly since the mid 80s. Telecommunication also had a breakthrough in early 90s by linking all thanas. By late 90s a good portion of rural areas was brought under mobile and satellite TV network. The expansion of this communication network helped fuel demands for many other consumer items. In the rural areas, many imported consumer items are now readily available.

Foreign Direct Investment

In Bangladesh Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) had been very small and limited in some selected areas till early 90s. Governments have consistently been expanding incentives for foreign investment. Those include: removing the ceiling on foreign equity participation; allowing the repatriation of invested capital, profit, and dividends; allowing foreign investors to obtain working capital from local banks; removing the obligation to sell shares through public issue irrespective of the amount of paid-up capital; providing tax-exemption to royalties, technical know-how and technical assistance fees; and providing tax exemption on the interest on foreign loans and on capital gains from the transfer of shares.

However, since 1993, foreign direct investment has been increasing. It got a boost with establishing Karnaphuli Fertilizer Company (KAFCO). Since the early 90s interests of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) for investment in gas, electricity, port, hybrid, telecommunication became visible, and new contracts were being signed in gas, telecommunication and electricity sectors. The fields of these investments were long prepared by major global institutions. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), in these cases is proving to be burdensome on the economy2.

NGO: New corporate Body

The growth of Non-Government Organizations(NGOs) in Bangladesh has been spectacular. NGO model of development in Bangladesh, which has included group formation, the target group approach, participatory development, and microcredit, has added a new dimension to development thinking. The model is treated by global institutions as a safety net for the people who are the victims of other development measures prescribed by the same institutions. In Bangladesh, NGOs means not merely a non-governmental organization. The term means a type of development agency that is funded by foreign agencies. Horizontal expansion as well as qualitative changes in its composition characterized the last fifteen years of their activities. Initially, NGOs appeared with a promise to: work on social issues, struggle against exploitation and discrimination, work outside the domain or influence of local or national power structure.3 Since early 80s micro credit operations started getting priority among some NGOs and by early 90s it became main focus of most of the sectors.

In the process NGOs became polarized between few very big NGOs and many small, where the small ones have reduced to subcontractors of the big. The big NGOs have become corporate bodies.4 Significant number of NGOs led by big ones like BRAC, PROSHIKA are now involved in several businesses projects. Big NGOs are also in the process of forming alliances with multinational corporations. To give a few examples: BRAC work with UNOCAL and Monsanto; the Grameen Bank5, which initially intended to work with Monsanto but failed due to resistance, is now intensely working with multinational telecommunication companies and is involved also with shrimp cultivation. It should be noted that the involvement of NGOs in business activities became a matter of discussion years before.6

Criminal Economy

The share of black7 economic activities in the economy is yet to be accurately estimated. However, there are some rough approximations. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) finds it to be around 30 per cent of the country?s GDP. But a top leader of the business community found it to be more than 50 per cent of GDP.8 This particular economy encompasses bribery, crime, the arms trade, production of arms, the employment of professional criminals, corruption and grabbing, illegal commissions, leakage from different governments projects, specially ?foreign aided? ones. Governments of Bangladesh have displayed very lenient attitude towards both this stolen money or chora taka and the Mafia lords of the illegal economy who, in fact, now also dominate the political arena. The rise of the super rich and Mafia lords and their domination over policy makers make the task easy for the global institutions to sale their agenda without any resistance from the ruling elite.

From Poverty to Poverty

Although Poverty alleviation has always been the top objective of successive governments and global institutions, and although foreign aided poverty alleviation projects are in abundance the poverty scenario has hardly changed. The number of population living under income poverty line increased from 50 million in 1972 to 68 million in 2003. From 1990/91 allocation for poverty allocation increased more than 700 percent and GDP increased by nearly 50 percent but poverty ratio in this period increased from 47.5 per cent to 49.8 percent (GOB, 2004)9. On the other hand inequality has also been increased during this period. In 1983/84 lowest 5 per cent of the population held 1.17 per cent of national income but it came down to 0.67 per cent in 2003, while the share increased for the highest 5 percent, from 18.30 percent to 30.66 percent of national income during the same period (GOB, 2004).

Class Composition

At the time of independence, Bangladesh?s society, both rural and urban, was mostly composed of small owners: petty traders, low and middle-income professionals, small and medium farmers, small entrepreneurs. Except large farmers and jotedars big propertied class based on industry or on trade was almost non-existent. That societal composition has radically been changed during the last three decades. Big propertied multimillionaires have grown in number to thousands in this period and new occupations related to service sector emerged. However, this super rich class has either little or negative relations with the growth of manufacturing (Siddiqui, 1995).

In rural areas, business, not land has become the determinant of one's economic position. The big propertied classes in the rural area, therefore, are those who alongwith landownership involved with business of different kind. Landless people in rural areas has grown in number and proportion. As a class, they emerged as a group of single majority of the population. A large segment of this, however, has been delinked from farm work. Migration to urban areas happened mostly from this group.

While industrial labour pool shrunk in size, new workers change its gender composition. In addition to that, the growth of the informal sector gave rise to the floating labourer who recieved a lower wage than did the industrial workers.10

Conclusion: Growth and Erosion, Affluence and Poverty

Therefore, after its first three decades, we find Bangladesh is more marketized, more globalized, and more urbanized; and, has a good number of super rich and increased number of uprooted poor people. We also smell increasing role of international agencies in governance of the state, see increasing presence of funding organizations including NGOs. Role of the state in major policy formulation is rather marginal. Bangladesh is now dominated by a power oligarchy. Criminal activity, including grabbing public resources, has become the main mode of capital accumulation. This has also gained strength in determining mainstream politics. This scenario has been told as success of development projects by the global institutions and successive governments. Table-3 summarizes the scenario.

Table 3: Rise and fall scenario in Bangladesh with the Globalization and Modernization process

ON THE INCREASE ON THE DECREASE or in CRISIS
Super Market Manufacturing enterprises
Car Shop Machine Factories
Hybrid seed, mechanization Local variety, bio-diversity
Water resource projects Safe water, water bodies
High rise building General housing
NGOs and projects Local/National initiative
Foreign investment in service sector , oil gas. Foreign investment in viable manufacturing
Religious institutions Library and science organizations
Private English medium educational institutions including commercial expensive coaching centers and Madrasha Public schools/colleges/universities
People under poverty line Sustainable employment opportunity
Urban population Real income/wage
Working women Women?s income/wage/security
Private expensive clinics, diagnostic centers General health opportunities
Degree holder people Scientists, Social scientists, Physicians....
Crime Security
Rural-urban and outward migration Capacity utilization of human & material resources
Communication technology General scientific and technological foundation
Consumerism Proportion of locally produced goods
Consultancy Independent research on science, technology & social science
Criminal and hidden (?black?) economy Productive and sustainable initiatives

source: revised table earlier presented in Muhammad (2000a)

In the last thirty years Bangladesh had plenty of ?development? projects and accumulated a huge international debt for attaining this ?development?. During this process, a number of consultancy firms, think tanks and hundreds of NGOs emerged, and many experts in different fields were born. Different projects have provided opportunities for bureaucrats, consultants to travel to other parts of the world to have training from or consultation with experts in the centers. We now have plenty of experts, consultants and researchers in different fields who have become a part of international community hungry for the projects and blessings of the global institutions. Poverty alleviation projects gave enough affluence to foreign-local consultants, bureaucrats, NGO owners, and researchers. Agriculture and Water development projects could ensure enough business to international and national construction firms, bureaucrats, consultants and agribusiness corporate bodies. Energy and power development projects ensured disastrous investments and quick high profits for the MNCs. Research and education programs have succeeded in creating an ideological hegemony by giving birth to a lot of clone intellectuals and experts. Affluence and poverty have grown in parallel.

The fate of Bangladesh is now being determined by not any elected bodies, not from any initiative from within but by bureaucratic global institutions which have authority here but do not bear any responsibility for their actions. The policies of different governments regarding industry, agriculture, education, health, trade, environment, poverty, women have only given legitimacy to the policies outlined much earlier by the bodies not accountable to the people of this land. And through these actions, jointly taken by the local governments and the global institutions, Bangladesh has been moving ahead to be a more and more integrated region into global capitlaist system. Since the local ruling class does have a strong lumpen features and cannot be characterized as productive bourgeosie, Bangladesh is moving as a blind, mindless follower, and therefore is standing on a very vulnerable state. This is one of the faces of peripheral capitalism in late global capitalism. The lumpen ruling class has been fattened, strengthened and internationalized by the support of the global institutions at the expense of the people and the environment.

References

Bakht (2000). Zaid Bakht: ?Growth Performance of the Manufacturing Sector: A review of the Revised Industrial GDP under SNA `93? in Abu Abdullah(ed), 2000: Bangladesh Economy 2000, Selected Issues, BIDS.

BBS (2002). Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics: Household Expenditure Survey.

GOB (2001 and 2004). Government of Bangladesh : Bangladesh Economic Review, June.

Jahan (1972). Rounaq Jahan (1972): Pakistan Failure in National Integration, Columbia University Press.

Muhammad (1998, 2004). Anu Muhammad: Nari, Purush o Samaj, Sondesh, Dhaka.

Muhammad (2000). Anu Muhammad: Bangladesher Unnyan Songkot ebong NGO Model, 2nd edition, Protik, Dhaka.

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Globalization, Without Global Consciousness

Dr Aqueil Ahmad  ~ STWR Member

Dr Aqueil Ahmad is a sociology professor at the University of North Carolina - Greensboro.

Globalization, Without Global Consciousness

Reflexive statement

Since my involvement in the peace movement of the 1960s and 70s in the United States, I have actively pursued the value of 'unity in diversity' of humankind through teaching, research, and social action globally. This commitment is informed by the assumption that although strong national, cultural, and ideological attachment and pride are relentlessly promoted in almost all the nations and culture areas, they are the greatest sources of exclusion, parochialism, social distance, and violence in the world. I consider these sentiments counter-intuitive in an increasingly interdependent global society. They come in the way of spreading the benefits of globalization to the largest numbers of peoples and communities. Instead, globalization - for example, the global economy, is used to pursue local interests at the expense of those considered outsiders. The idea of 'global consciousness' is suggested as an antidote to the poison of parochialism that feeds and justifies mercenary globalism that is killing the promise of a truly 'global society.' My commitment to this ideal is constantly reinforced by the lives of the likes of Abraham Lincoln, Rabindranath Tagore, Mahatma Gandhi, Albert Einstein, Bertrand Russell, Jawaharlal Nehru, Mother Teresa, John F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela. Their examples shine as beacon lights for social and economic justice in an otherwise not so enlightened but physically interdependent world.

Introduction

Mercenary motivations and attitudes of nations, corporations, and rich citizens dictate the current definitions and goals of globalization. The political and economic power of the core industrial nations is increasing at the expense and marginalization of the rest. Goskun Samli (2002:4-6) calls these global inequalities the "shame of progress of capitalism." It seems a worldwide movement is needed to let globalization serve human needs rather than the greed of the powerful elite who manage it (Ellwood 2000; Derber 2002; Held and McGrew 2002; Samli 2002). The purpose of this essay is to suggest such an alternative through a ‘global consciousness’ that would help counter privatization, parochialism, and exclusion that seem to have hijacked globalization for corporate and commercial interests. I will return to a more comprehensive definition of global consciousness and its promotion later in this discourse.

Global society, or globalization, in its present form, is a system of growing world-wide material interdependencies and non-material cultural relations and connections. In terms of its material dimensions, it consists of globally interdependent economic, financial, environmental, and technological subsystems where knowledge, capital, raw materials, goods and services are produced, used, and exchanged across national boundaries. In terms of its non-material aspects, it has been reduced to mean “McDonaldization” or Americanization of the world according to internationally pervasive western corporate cultures (Ritzer 1996; Rothkopf 1997). Thomas Friedman (1999:112) observes

Culturally speaking, globalization is largely the spread (for better and for worse) of Americanization - from Big Macs and iMacs to Mickey Mouse.

Symbols of what Charles Derber (2002:255) calls “westoxication” abound in the culture of consumerism universally promoted by multinational corporations. During a recent Haj pilgrimage to Mecca, a group of Hajis was photographed sitting on the sand and lunching out of a Coca Cola box with a bottle of the ubiquitous brew sitting next to them. A banner superimposed on the picture proclaimed, “To Haj with Coca Cola.” Western lifestyles - music, movies, fast-food, fashions and gadgets are desired, imitated and enjoyed by millions of people all over the world. Global manufacturing, marketing, trade, and technology bring in their wake a culture of consumerism, commercialization, and greed. Although resented by many in some non-western cultures as invasive and offensive, this commercialization and consumerism is becoming the ‘opiate of the people’ in global society (Barnet and Cavanagh 1996; Garten 1998; Friedman and Ramonet 1999). Sadly, there is little recognition of our common humanity sharing a common destiny in addition to sharing a ‘common market.’ Reflecting on the situation in the United States, U. N chief, Kofi Annan (2002:A7), made the following observations recently:

Americans are full of talk about global village as an acknowledgment....of growing interdependence of the nations of the world. But a global village implies international cooperation in the collective interest. And when it comes to international cooperation, America has fallen short.

Cold War rhetoric and rivalries belied for half a century the prospect of a post WWII global society that might have helped unify a war-torn world. Regions and nations aligned themselves with this or that side of the great ideological divide. That ideological clash has now been replaced by cross-cultural denigration, racial and ethnic diatribe, violent regional conflicts, terrorism, and the ‘war on terrorism’ on all sides, not just the conflict between religious fanatics of all variety. This is not to suggest that there were no ethnic or regional conflicts before or during the Cold War (Sadowski 1998). But it can be argued that Cold War rivalries between the two super-powers provided the basic rhetoric and rationale of that age which momentarily suppressed or subsumed other types of conflict that threaten world peace and unity in more intractable and insidious ways today (Suny 1993).

Territorial interests, political disputes, and big powers meddling in local affairs notwithstanding, the real problem seems to be that the warring sides do not consider each other equal in purely human terms. Each side’s pathological religious, ethnic, or ideological affiliation convinces them that God, truth and justice are on their side. So, while the world moves on toward a common techno-economic destiny, the Jews and Arabs, Hindus and Muslims, Hutus and Tutsies, Catholics and Protestants continue to defy international efforts toward peace and reconciliation, and deny their countries and regions full benefits of the modern age.

Despite these conflicts, global interdependence in a finite physical world is increasing every day. Global warming is affecting weather and vegetation on the entire planet. Acid rain from pollution caused by industries in the United States can stunt Latin forests affecting rainfall and crops in the entire region (McKibben 1998; Mathews 1999). Water and food chain toxicity is no longer a local problem as fruits, grains, and vegetables are increasingly sold and consumed across national markets (Bright 1999). National economies instantaneously react to global political and economic upheavals. Events in the Middle East cause oil prices to jump everywhere. Stock markets dance in tandem. Currencies fluctuate together. So many diseases - Ebola, mad cow disease, AIDS, influenza, SARS - have been globalized due to the movement of people and products across nations. Over-population, poverty, hunger, war, and violence in some parts of the world threaten the entire world (State of the World 1999; State of the World 2000; State of the World 2001; State of the World 2002).

Yet, disregarding this interdependence, national and corporate elite set their agendas for expanding their political and economic empires rather than cooperating to alleviate world problems through education, equitable distribution of resources, and sustainable economic development (Mander and Glodsmith 1996; The Siena Declaration 1998; Derber 2002). Some scholars see these postures as inevitable consequences of economic globalization, which has run amok because of the capitalist greed that drives it (Lappe and Collins 1978; Wellner 1994). David Korten (1996:15) bluntly declares:

A global economy is inherently unjust, unstable and unsustainable...There is an accelerating gap between the rich and the poor. Widespread violence is tearing families and communities apart. And the planet’s ecosystems are deteriorating at an alarming rate.

The concern for contemporary human and environmental conditions is well-taken, but to attribute them exclusively to globalization and the world economy is problematic. Inequality, exploitation and violence have existed in one form or another since the beginning of organized human settlements, due largely to clashing demands on meager resources as well as clash of collective identities and tribalism. The planet’s environment has been steadily deteriorating since the beginning of the industrial age some three hundred years ago. The only difference is the current speed and magnitude of deterioration due to increasing population and consumption levels almost everywhere (Brown 1996; Glantz 1999).

Globalization is essentially acceleration and expansion of industrialization and integration of national into regional or global economies. It is not going to dissipate or disappear, no matter how much some of us wish it so. It can be contained, but that could lead to worldwide industrial and economic stagnation - hardly a solution to the problems of global poverty, inequality, and violence. Global techno-economic systems carry vast opportunity for large numbers of dispossessed people around the world (Ahmad 2001). The negative consequences of globalization are due largely to a purely commercialized and privatized perspective of both technology and economy by those who control them in the modern world, rather than seeing them as shared instruments for human development. This perspective is fueled by diehard provincialism or localism, which continues to see the world as 'Us' and 'Them' even when the physical reality dictates otherwise. A contradiction of this kind is analogous to what William Ogburn (1938) would call a perpetual “cultural lag” between techno-economic progress and non-material cultural change to sustain it. What seems to be lacking in global society is globalization with a human face to challenge both privatization and the perversity of mercenary globalism. Global consciousness is proposed as a new paradigm to help globalization acquire a human face.

Global Consciousness, a la Tagore

The idea of global consciousness as proposed in this discourse has been informed and inspired by the philosophy of Indian scholar, sage and savant Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941). Other social reformers, intellectuals, and political and religious leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Bertrand Russell, and Albert Einstein (all of whom Tagore knew personally) held similar world views. Mother Teresa, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela also emphasized bonds of our common humanity despite religious, racial, and political differences.

Tagore was essentially a writer, poet and musician. His Collected Poems and Essays in English appeared in 1936. Gitanjali (celestial song) is his best-known work and earned him the Nobel Prize. Despite hundreds of published pieces ranging from poetry to essays, Tagore’s thought is relatively unknown in contemporary American scholalry circles. Growing up in a Hindu aristocratic family, Tagore developed an early interest in religion. But remarkably, his interest was quite different from what may be considered a traditional view of religion (Tagore 1931). On the occasion of Tagore’s 100th birth anniversary in 1961, a commemorative volume of his writings was published under the title, Rabindranath Tagore: Towards Universal Man. Tagore’s universal man (and woman) embodies global consciousness or, in his words, 'cosmic consciousness.' For Tagore, it essentially meant transcendence of narrowly defined religious identities. In his introduction to Towards Universal Man, his biographer, Humayun Kabir (1961:27) describes Tagore in the following words:

Tagore at times described his religion as religion of man. What he perhaps intended to convey was that the human individual is a unit of consciousness in cosmic consciousness.

As noted by Ahmad (1972), Tagore variously described cosmic consciousness as the essence of “the universal mind,” “the universal man,” the “supreme personality,” or even as “the god of humanity." His faith in humanity was so great that god and humanity for him were interchangeable concepts. In today’s highly materialistic and violent world, a mystical notion of “cosmic consciousness” may appear a bit too spiritual, other-worldly, and impractical. But interpreted slightly differently, it may be a very pragmatic way to address some of our most pressing dilemmas, suggesting how astonishingly modern Tagore’s thought actually was. Kabir (1961:32-33) further elaborates cosmic consciousness into practical terms of great significance for the modern, interdependent world:

As Tagore’s vision and sympathies grew, he increasingly recognized that while one’s own native culture has an immediate appeal and value, it must find its place in the wider synthesis of a truly universal civilization.

Tagore, along with Gandhi and other local leaders, was deeply concerned about the degradation of Indian people under the British rule. But his world travels and exposure to cross-cultural perspectives led him to conclude that “a bond of spiritual unity links the whole of mankind" (Nehru 1961:xv). Tagore felt that a universal civilization, however idealistic and impractical it might sound to twenty-first century citizens of a divided world, was not only possible but a very desirable goal for mankind. It is the essence of Tagore’s cosmic (or say, global) consciousness, not the transformation of cultural diversity into a universal civilization, that is the focus of this essay.

Sociologically speaking, global consciousness has two principal meanings in this discourse: It means (1) extending the reach of Mead’s (1964) generalized other beyond the local to global frames of reference for definitions of self; and consequently, (2) a heightened awareness of our common humanity regardless of race, religion, ethnicity, ideology, or nationality. The greatest hurdle to achieving these goals is the continuing, even escalating, emphasis on exclusiveness and obsessive pride in one’s own culture and ‘tribe.’ The result is collective selfishness accompanied by disrespect, exploitation, even violence towards outsiders (Buddhadasa 1989). This is the attitude that dictates the behavior of corporate elite commanding the global economy and the resulting inequalities. Globalization with a global consciousness would attempt to destroy the very roots of corporate globalism.

Global Consciousness: Antidote to Exclusion

The cultural change lagging behind in globalization refers to predominance of local rather than global identities in an otherwise physically and materially interdependent world. Samuel Huntington (1997) attributes localizing tendencies to “clash of civilizations,” which essentially means two diametrically opposed visions of the world: The modern, secular, democratic, and one may add, the Christian West and the traditional, dogmatic, and totalitarian rest - with particular emphasis on Islam. Huntington says that closer contact among peoples and ideas due to globalization is increasing the fear of cultural pollution in some quarters and thereby hardening local identities instead of loosening them. And because of this “clash” there will never be a universal civilization. A World Values Survey by Inglehart and Baker (2001) reaches similar conclusions: Despite a universal march toward modernity, nations and regions continue to be either traditional or secular-rational in their cultural values. It is doubtful, therefore, “that the forces of modernization will produce a homogenized world culture in a foreseeable future.” Others, such as Bowen (1996), Sadowski (1998), and Said (2001) reject such bipolar constructions as unscientific, simplistic, and unrealistic. Said (2001:13) observes:

“The clash of civilization” thesis is a gimmick like “The war of the Worlds,” better for reinforcing defensive self-pride than for critical understanding of the bewildering interdependence of our time.

However, despite this “bewildering interdependence of our time,” there is little evidence of a unifying consciousness of a world community with common bonds of humanity above and beyond the lure of common markets, resources, and profits. Cultural exclusion and localization come in the way of building global consciousness and universalized self images. Cultural differences as outcomes of geography, religion, and nationality is one thing. But why do cultures have to clash instead of coexist? The answer to this riddle may reside in understanding how self image and self-to-other perceptions are constructed in one’s immediate social space, not in the vast and abstract domains of civilizations, contrary to what the “clash of cultures” thesis might suggest. For an average human being, the myth of personal and cultural uniqueness is perpetuated through socialization within the narrow confines of family and community (Linton 1945; McCall and Simmons 1966; Gergen 1971 and 1991; Charon 2001). We humans come into this world without any social or cultural baggage. The baggage begins to accumulate as soon as a name is given to us. That immediately separates us from others with different names. Next come gender identities--boys and girls considered not only physically but also intellectually and temperamentally different from each other (Cahill 1998). These differences are accompanied by identification with social and professional roles and successes and failures encountered in performing them. Other identities, far more important for this discussion, are acquired along the way. Class, race, religion, ethnicity, ideology, and nationality become strong defining characteristics of people everywhere. While such identifications, and feelings of pride and security that go with them, may be functional for the maintenance of social order, they are also the greatest sources of social distance, ethnocentrism, conflict and violence among people (Charon 2001:47-72 and 153-174). In their worst form, they lead to “enmification,” dehumanization, discrimination, hate, even genocide of the “other”considered not only different but inferior (Allport 1979; Rieber and Kelly 1991). To see others as fundamentally ‘different’ from ourselves because they look, live, eat, dress, and worship differently, is often the beginning of seeing them as our enemies and as a threat to our ‘sacred’ way of life. The more different they seem, the more threatening they become. Global/regional conflicts are essentially political and territorial, but the inhumanity and violence that often accompany them are rooted in rigid cultural identities and commitments. The stronger these identities and commitments are, the stronger will be the ferocity of these conflicts. As long as people continue to see themselves as irreconcilably different from each other, globalization will fail to deliver its promise, and there will not be a viable global society with peace and justice for all.

One of the defining characteristics of a civilization (or a civilized society) is tolerance of diversity in all its forms and manifestations. Strong ethnic and racial identities, religiosity, and patriotism are dangerous emotions. When adherence to them becomes so absolute that any diversion is considered wrong and sinful, inter-group exclusion, exploitation, and violence are the most likely outcomes. This can happen within or across civilizations; or even within a single race, religion or nation. The history of conflict between Shia and Sunni Muslims, Catholic and Protestant Christians, low and upper caste Hindus, Tutsies and Hutus, and Talibans and Mujahideens amply demonstrates this. One does not need a universal civilization to coexist with others. Our common humanity and common destiny should be enough reasons for that. Like Huntington (1997), Rosenau (1997) recognizes boundary-heightening processs of localization emerging in defense of boundary-expanding forces of globalization. But he also suggests that localization and globalization can coexist if we fully appreciate the facts of planetary interdependence and act accordingly. Global consciousness is meant to help create such an appreciation and coexistence.

A New Awakening

How can this gap between the material, cultural, and human dimensions of global society be bridged? How can a new consciousness be created to help universalize the true promise of globalization? In addition to restructuring the global economy through inter-governmental legislation, worldwide movements for creating and fostering this new consciousness will have to be launched. A few existing movements are relevant in this connection. Green Peace, Doctors Without Borders, Amnesty International, Act Up, assorted anti-globalization activists, and a variety of other urban movements promote a unified world view and try to connect the ‘local with the global’ although they may not specifically use the metaphor of global consciousness in their campaigns (Shepard and Hayduk 2002). But globalization of education - both formal and informal - may offer the best hope for the future of global society. It must start at the elementary level and continue up through higher education. Curricula would have to be revised all across the board to teach traditional disciplines in an international context as well as to introduce new programs in global education. Children would be informed about global interdependence and taught the idea of citizenship in a global society. World history would become a required subject along with national histories. Learning foreign languages would be expanded and emphasized at all levels. Where understanding cultural differences is necessary, for example in business management and the social/behavioral sciences, respect for diversity would be emphasized. Evolutionary biology and genetics would be used to highlight the common core of humanity.

Political activism asking for globalization of education will have to start within the academic communities. With its vast educational and cultural resources, the United States can play a leading role in this movement. The new information technology, such as satellites and the Internet, make it possible to disseminate global values and attitudes across the world as never before. If buying and selling products and services can be done on-line, why can’t the same technology be used to launch an e-movement for globalization of education and promotion of global consciousness? Look what MoveOn (www.MoveOn.org), starting with a local issue: opposing impeachment of President Clinton, could do in a relatively short time to mobilize local and international public opinion against the impending invasion of Iraq. The worldwide MovOn constituency wrote tens of thousands of email letters and memos of protest to the U.S. Congressmen and Security Council members. Similar efforts can be launched to mobilize international agency resources to bring about the necessary cultural change to humanize globalization through global consciousness. Ulrich Albrecht (2000) mentions the Culture of Peace Program of UNESCO as a means of generating international conflict resolution strategies. Promoting global consciousness could easily supplement UNESCO’s educational agenda for world peace.

Some important changes toward globalization of education are already occurring on many college campuses in the United States, including my own. But they are slow and minuscule relative to the magnitude of the needed change. One reason is the diehard nature of academic disciplines and vested interests of academics in maintaining the status quo in which they are comfortably entrenched. The example of sociology - the discipline I know most about - may be instructive. Although it may be changing gradually, global society or globalization themes are still uncommon in sociology curriculums:

Internationalizing sociology not only educates students about the global interconnectedness of social, political, economic, and environmental factors, but illuminates the relative truths of varying cultural experiences as well. Unfortunately, curriculum development in higher education has yet to keep pace with these developments, or (with) the problems created by the new interconnected global climate (Rousseau 1999:1).

Furthermore, much of sociological theory and research have originated from European and later, American intellectual circles. Sociological curricula reflect these traditions. Heavily influenced by structural-functionalism, the basic unit of sociological analysis - the social system or structure, has been generally defined in a national rather than cross-cultural or global context. For American sociologists that essentially means American society, for Japanese sociologists, Japanese society, and so forth. Conflict and symbolic interaction perspectives are by no means immune to national(istic) bias either. Ignoring the global reaches of Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and Sorokin, the analytical frame of reference for 20th century American sociology stalwarts like Mead, Cooley, Parsons, Merton, and Goffman, was essentially American society, with marginal interest in the outside world. That frame of reference continues to dominate American sociology with scant attention paid to problems of global poverty, disparity, hunger, human rights, migration, population growth, environment, crime, ethnic conflicts, and terrorism - to name just a few (Armer 1990; Tiryakian 1990). Some studies by C. Wright Mills, Irving Horowitz, Edward Tiryakian, and Marshall Clinard may, however, be considered notable exceptions. For example, as far back as 1964, Horowitz (1964:32) commented tongue-in-cheek about the "myth extant that 'society' begins at Maine and ends at Miami Beach, begins again in New York and ends in California." Thirty-five years later, Immanuel Wallerstein (1999:3) reached a similar conclusion:

Finally, in addition to these ambiguities which might be said to be a besetting sin of sociology throughout the world, there is an extra problem with U.S. sociology. Much of it has been written as if the U.S. were in fact the world. The data all tend to be drawn from research about the U.S., often without this fact entering into the analysis in any specific way.

Applying the concept of social system or structure at the global level has serious conceptual and methodological difficulties, as those of us who teach 'global society' understand all too well. Systemic interdependence, functionality (or dysfunctionality) of social events and trends; the issues of class, race, and gender; notions of shared values, goals, norms, and identities - to name just a few core sociological concepts - are much harder to interpret and apply on a global than a national level. Similarly, because of the vast structural and cultural diversity in which they are embedded, global problems are not easy to define, classify, explain, and generalize about. Of course, there are books out on ‘global social problems’ but they lack globally relevant theoretical context and consistency for the problems discussed (Soroka and Bryjak 1995; Peterson, Wunder, and Mueller 1999; Moulder 2000). The instructor often needs to supplement these readers with non-sociological sources for a wider coverage of global issues. Dushkin’s Annual Editions on global issues and selections from the Congressional Quarterly Researcher are excellent non-sociological sources for such coverage and perspectives. But they suffer from the same problem as the sociological readers: lack of theoretical analysis and consistency for the problems discussed.

A more serious problem is encountered in the general description, classification, analysis, and understanding of the structure(s) and processes of global society or globalization as a whole. There is hardly any book that could qualify as a basic text for the study of global society as a large and interdependent social system. A review of required and recommended readings in 28 syllabi included in the American Sociological Association’s guide to internationalizing sociology curriculums confirms this observation (Rousseau 1999). Almost all of the suggested literature exclusively addresses specific dimensions of global society or globalization, such as the global economy, global culture, global environmental and population issues, global inequality, global conflicts, international relations, comparative study of social and political systems, etc. None of them seems to present a wholistic view of global society affecting most, if not all of humankind. Leslie Sklair’s (1995 and 2002) works may be considered notable exceptions of limited scope. Joan Ferranti’s (1995 and 2000) texts try to introduce to beginners the subject matter of sociology and American society in a global context. But these are not basic texts in the study of global society or the multidimensional phenomenon of globalization. This matches well the type of courses listed in the ASA guide: Out of the 28 listings, only four may qualify as general introduction to, or discussion of, the subject matter of globalization per se. These difficulties could be gradually overcome if sociologists, educational institutions, and the publishing industry begin to take the reality of globalization and its problems and prospects seriously. But why will they unless pressed to do so, for old attitudes die hard? A university colleague is reported to have told a class recently that “globalization is a fad that will fade out quickly.”

For a sociologist, the extant literature on globalization poses another serious problem. A disproportionately large portion of this literature is produced by economists and political scientists and, consequently, pays much greater attention to the political economy of globalization than to psycho-social and cultural issues. It is interesting to note that in nearly one hundred sources consulted for this work, the words ‘global consciousness’ appeared just once rather obscurely:

Only by examining the extent and intensity of global consciousness is it possible to estimate the impact of global processes on more or less situated and vulnerable actors, and estimate the strength or fragility of global institutions (Lerda 2002:231).

I found much of this literature to be repetitive anti-globalization rhetoric. Hard to implement re-structuring of the global economy and governance abound - from reforming and regulating multinational corporations, the Bretton Woods institutions, financial speculation, international movement of capital and labor, to community activism, “economic pluralism” and “global democracy” (Korten 1996; Mander and Goldsmith 1996; Rodrik 1997; Ellwood 2000; Derber 2000; Shepard and Hayduk 2002; Samli 2002; Held and McGrew 2002). Joseph Stiglitz’s (2002:214, 222) observations seem to rightly conclude this lengthy discourse:

The problem is not with globalization, but how it has been managed.....We cannot go back on globalization; it is here to stay. The issue is how we can make it work. And if it is to work, there have to be global public institutions to help set the rules.

The problem is, how can we create such institutions without an appropriate mentality and readiness at all levels to do so? Personal responsibility and non-governmental community action, in addition to educational reforms discussed above, seem to offer the best opportunity for bringing about the desired cultural change. Derber’s (2000) 25-point individual action program, Act Up types of community activism (Shepard and Hayduk 2002), and other movements to challenge globalization at the grass roots, such as those launched by Quaker International Affairs Representatives (Feffer and Garate 2002), deserve serious consideration by all those committed to humanizing globalization.

The American media is another candidate for drastic reform. Barring NPR and PBS, there is little news, let alone analysis, of world events and conditions on American TV and radio. “World news” from the three national networks and CNN can hardly be called that. It pays some attention to world events only when American interests are involved. Otherwise, they are either ignored or covered through ‘ten second (often biased) bites.’ Newspapers and magazines like The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, Time and Newsweek do cover some world events but only selectively and with a heavy American slant. Consequently, misperceptions about world events abound. BBC radio and television are currently the best sources of world news and views often ignored by the national networks. Abut six months ago my wife and I began to compare on a daily basis the news on developments in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, peace rallies, anti-American sentiments around the world, etc. on BBC and our national TV. Our observations indicate that the latter mostly focuses on the military aspects of these matters, often highlighting the hits ('enemy' arrests and casualties) scored by our men in uniform. American officials’ statements are presented uncritically as ‘news.’ American combat deaths and injuries, financial burdens of Afghanistan and Iraq, local insurgency movements, and the continuing chaos in these countries are summarily reported. Relatively little is said about the ‘other side’ of the stories and their larger social and human consequences, or about other important world events in general, all of which are normally discussed by the BBC. One is tempted to ask, why is there such a blatant neglect of events and conditions beyond the borders of a nation that claims to be the “leader of the free world?” Could it be due to our extreme parochialism and self-centeredness as a nation?

The same goes for the American entertainment industry. It has a global reach but lacks a unifying global message. What it delivers to the world is American popular culture and the commercial side of globalism (Barnet and Cavanagh 1996; Garten 1998). Of late, however, the Chinese, Indian, Mexican, the Iranian, and Israeli cinema is bringing glimpses of other cultures to American audiences. The fashions, food, and music industry is in the forefront of popularizing the softer side of globalization, but at the risk of being substituted for global consciousness with larger political and economic implications.

Parochialism is outdated but it is not dead - not yet

Cultural diversity is heavily emphasized in many quarters today. Pride in, and identification with, one’s own country, culture, religion, race and ethnicity are the touchstones of multi-culturalism in contemporary pluralistic societies. Such pride and identification may sometimes be socially desirable and politically expedient. But when they convert into arrogance, self-righteousness, and exclusion of others, they lead to a fractured world full of strife and exploitation, even violence. Beliefs about cultural superiority and exclusiveness abound in the East and the West, North and South. Those who contribute to such counterintuitive sentiments ignore the fact of our common humanity and planetary interdependence. They ignite passions of obscurantism, exclusion, and divisiveness. Globalization under these circumstances is used to serve local interests at the expense of others instead of local action being mindful of global concerns. Global consciousness suggests that it is about time for the world to unfreeze the old attitudes and practices that have led to cultural and emotional compartmentalization of humankind and replace them with a new culture that embodies global consciousness, or what Robert Wright (2002) calls “ethos of moral universalism,” to accompany globalization for social and economic justice in a global society. For such replacement to occur, a degree of detachment from the local will be necessary in order to connect with the global or universal. The slogan, ‘think globally, act locally,’ must now be applied beyond economics and business management to the realms of education, culture, and human relations in general. Or else:

One feature of a globalized society is that disaster can happen at the global level. So we’re in this process where either we grasp the moral and political implications of this increasingly shared fate we have with other people or very bad things will happen (Wright 2002:16).

References

Ahmad, Aqueil. 1972. “Can Science Lead the Way? - Profile of the Universal Man.” Journal of Human Relations 20:14-29.

Ahmad, Aqueil. 2001. “Globalization and the Developing Countries, With Especial Reference to Cuba.” Globalization 1,1. (www.globalization.icaap.org/v1.1/aqueilahmad.html)

Anan, Kofi. 2002. Quoted from William Raspberry, Washington Post Writers’ Group. P.A7 in The Herald Sun, Monday, August 12. Durham, North Carolina.

Albrecht, Ulrich. 2000. “New Concepts of the UN in Maintaining Peace: A Discourse Analysis About a Producer of Texts.” Pp. 177-190 in Challenges for International Organizations in the 21st Century, edited by Martin Metzger and Birgit Reichenstein. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Allport, Gordon. 1979. The Nature of Prejudice. New York: Addison-Wesley.

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